Publications List

The webinar focused on Saudi-Nordic relations, exploring developments and opportunities for collaboration. The discussion was part of a broader research program on GCC-NB8 Relations. The meeting highlighted the importance of addressing regional conflicts and fostering sustainable economic and cultural partnerships. Participants expressed interest in further dialogues and collaborations to enhance mutual understanding and cooperation.

In the shadow of global and geopolitical pressures, members of the Gulf Corporation Council- Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emiratesembarked on a strategy of economic diversification from oil and reduced reliance on food imports with a focus on Africa.

This book examines the foreign policies of the GCC countries six years after the Arab uprisings, in terms of drivers, narratives, actions and outcomes, paying particular attention to Middle Eastern countries, Iran and Western international powers. The assessment focuses on current affairs, but also contributes to establishing a productive link between empirical studies and the existing theoretical frameworks that help explain the increasing foreign policy activism of the GCC countries. All in all, the articles collected in this book shed light on and provide a more solid and fine-grained understanding of how regional powers like Saudi Arabia, as well as the other smaller GCC countries, act and pursue their interests in an environment full of uncertainty, in the context of changing regional and global dynamics and power distribution. The book brings together the articles published in a Special Issue of the International Spectator

This book examines the relations and image of the Arab Gulf states in the West. It addresses the question of Perception in International Relations and how the Arab States of the Gulf have pursued various endeavours to project themselves into the West. The book chapters generate ideas on how perceptions came about and ways to improve cultural and political realities on the ground in the Arab Gulf States. Thus, it paves the way for a new area of research in the field of Gulf Studies that extends beyond traditional international relations frameworks by weaving elements of intercultural communication into the mix. Recognizing, yet extending beyond, a traditionally realist framework, which had dominated the analysis of Arab Gulf States foreign relations

The Gulf Research Center Foundation released its 2007-2017 report, covering its activities since its creation in 2007 as a Swiss Non-profit Organisation. The report highlights the projects, events and partnerships that were undertaken by GRCF in the past 10 years and that are based on GRC’s and GRC affiliates’ commitment to contribute to enhance and spread knowledge about the Gulf region

Yemen is the only state on the Arabian Peninsula that is not a member of the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council). It is also the only local state not ruled by a royal family. Relations between Yemen and the GCC states go back for centuries with some tribes in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman tracing genealogy back to ancient Yemen. In this timely volume six scholars analyze Yemen’s relations with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Iran with a focus on recent developments, including the conflict after the fall of Ali Abdullah Salih in Yemen. This volume is based on a workshop held at the Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center Cambridge in summer 2016.

Small states are often believed to have been resigned to the margins of international politics. However, the recent increase in the number of small states has increased their influence and forced the international community to incorporate some of them into the global governance system. This is particularly evident in the Middle East where small Gulf States have played an important role in the changing dynamics of the region in the last decade. The Small Gulf States analyses the evolution of these states’ foreign and security policies since the Arab Spring. With particular focus on Oman, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, it explores how these states have been successful in not only guaranteeing their survival, but also in increasing their influence in the region. It then discusses the security dilemmas small states face, and suggests a multitude of foreign and security policy options, ranging from autonomy to influence, in order to deal with this. The book also looks at the influence of regional and international actors on the policies of these countries. It concludes with a discussion of the peculiarities and contributions of the Gulf states for the study of small states’ foreign and security policies in general. Providing a comprehensive and up-to-date analysis of the unique foreign and security policies of the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) before and after the Arab Spring, this book will be a valuable resource for students and scholars of Middle East studies, foreign policy and international relations.

Egypt continues to be cultural and political beacon in the Middle East. Its control of the Suez Canal, cold peace with Israel, concern about Gaza, mediation and interest in the Israel-Palestine conflict, and the marginalization of the Muslim Brotherhood are all points of significance. There is a close, and expanding, defence and security relationship between Egypt and the GCC states, most evident in the inclusion of Egypt in Saudi Arabia’s new Sunni counter-terrorism alliance. The authors of this book contextualise historical linkages, and allies add to this the real postures (especially contentious relations with Qatar and Turkey) and study Egypt’s strategic relations with Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE in particular. The book’s main argument derives from a complex web of political, socio-economic and military issues in a changing regional and international system. It states that the Egyptian regional policy under Sisi will generally remain consistent with existing parameters (such as broad counter-terrorism efforts, including against the Muslim brotherhood). There is strong evidence to support the idea that Cairo wishes to maintain a GCC-first policy

This Special Issue examines the foreign policies of the GCC countries six years after the Arab uprisings in terms of drivers, narratives, actions and outcomes, paying particular attention to Middle Eastern countries, Iran and Western international powers. The assessment focuses on current affairs, but also contributes to establishing a productive link between empirical studies and the existing theoretical frameworks that help explain the increasing foreign policy activism of the GCC countries. All in all, the articles collected in this Special Issue shed light on and provide a more solid and fine-grained understanding of how regional powers like Saudi Arabia, as well as the other smaller GCC countries, act and pursue their interests in an environment full of uncertainty, in the context of changing regional and global dynamics and power distribution. The Special Issue brings together a selection of articles originally presented and discussed at the Seventh Gulf Research Meeting (GRM) organised by the Gulf Research Centre Cambridge at the University of Cambridge on 16-19 August 2016.

In the last few years, there has been a substantial increase in trade and investment between Latin America and the Gulf region as well as the opening of new embassies among these countries, a trend that started in the second half of the last decade. Besides the diverse encounters at the official level through the Arab South American Summits, an increasing number of non-state actors are participating in the growing exchange between these regions, reflecting a renewed interest in enhancing cooperation beyond the government level. This book describes how non-state actors are able to create avenues of participation to bring the GCCcountries and Latin America closer. By examining the different types of actors and issues involved in the increasing exchange, this volume provides anoverview ofone important aspect of the relations between the two regions and the possibilities to consolidate and expand cooperation. Regarding cultural and educational activities which aim to bring the societies of the two regions closer, the bookdescribes the role played by regional organizations, besides the cultural and trade exchange in terms of the art market. In trade and investment, the impact of the relationship between the state and the growing businessmen networks is assessed. Further, the cooperation between the private sector, foreign investors, and the state and its effect on liberalization policies in Latin America is weighed as an opportunity to apply to the GCC economies. At the level of society and the role played by the Muslim/Arab communities in Latin America, thisbooklooks at their transnational links as well astheir influence in the foreign policies of the Latin American countries towards the Gulf region, besides their input in the formation of identities across the regions. This volume offers a non-traditional view focusing on specific actors and issues in the evolving relationship between the Gulf and Latin America, thus providing an understanding of the possibilities and obstacles in the relationship.

How the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) relates to BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is, in the light of the growing strength and importance of this organisation in the countries which comprise it, of critical importance. The GCC countries have fastgrowing economies, and they share some of the attributes and concerns of BRICS countries. The objective of this book is to examine the commonalities and the differences in economic and political interest between the BRICS countries and the GCC countries, so as to assess the potential for cooperation and collective action. Whether the GCC could itself become a part of BRICS is also worth consideration. While the focus is on the GCC, the GCC’s relations with the BRICS countries have been, and will continue to be, closely affected by the wider Gulf dimension – the state of their relations with Iran and Iraq, and the manner in which the BRICS countries relate to those two countries.

Traditionally the Middle East is considered a region so complex that it does not allow a clear political narrative on its political and strategic priorities: it is an explication but also an excuse for short sighted crisis management and inaction. This conference, where the NATO Defense College Foundation has brought together an exceptional array of regional practitioners in a very critical period of the region, has dispelled this and other myths.

GCC-Iran relations are at the heart of important political dynamics in the Middle East today. This is not limited to the ongoing disputes in the Gulf, one of the most important strategic locations globally. Iran and the GCC states also find themselves on opposing sides in the Syrian and to some extend the Iraqi conflicts. This volume traces the origins of the troubled relations between Iran and the majority of the GCC monarchies. It discusses not only geostrategic rivalries, but also matters of identity which have been of increased importance since 2010. While important differences are noticeable among the GCC monarchies in regard to their willingness to engage Iran, the difficult relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran puts a strain on the possibilities for engagement between Iran and the GCC as a whole.

In 2015, relations between the GCC states and Russia fluctuated considerably,showing both upswing and downswing tendencies. Though paramount importance continued to be attached to bilateral relations, the differences between the bilateral tracks were very evident and substantial.

This paper deals with developments in the relations between the GCC countries and the European U-nion countries during 2015 in terms of the issues and interactions that defined those relations.

Relations between Latin America and the Gulf countries have been hitherto a little explored topic in academic research. With the notable exception of the ill-fated 2010 Iranian nuclear agreement with Turkey and Brazil, this lack of interest in issues between the two regions can be largely explained by the absence of controversial political matters with which to attract media and scholarly attention.

There are important incentives for developing Gulf Arab countries’ relations with Eastern Europe. At the same time, there are significant potential obstacles for such relationships, chief among them being the lack of tradition in official interactions between the states of the two sub-regions. Furthermore, major academic research into this matter is also lacking. Therefore, in an effort to provide an introductory account of the relations between the Arab Gulf countries and Eastern Europe, this paper scrutinizes Bulgarian and Czech interactions with the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The status of bilateral relations is ascertained by reviewing the key areas of interaction, highlighting the main drivers behind them, and the main achievements and obstacles to the relationships. The analysis is focused on explicating the factors contributing to the observed outcomes, thus elucidating the main perceptions and considerations conducive to particular results. Besides its immediate empirical contribution, this study also contains ideas about the way in which relations between IR actors can be conceptualized.

Relations between the GCC states and China have intensified in recent years driven by rising trade ties and closer political consultations. With the GCC states diversifying their foreign relations, China and East Asia have become a focal point also due to question marks surrounding US policy towards the Gulf region. In this paper, the author looks in depth at the current Chinese thinking about its strategic position vis-à-vis with the Gulf, arguing that, in essence, both the US and China seek to support regional security as they benefit from the Gulf’s stability. Well aware of its strengths and limitations, China will focus on building up its competitiveness in the region rather than allowing the Gulf to become an arena of rising competition between itself and the US.

This study describes the history of the territorial dispute between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Iran over Abu Musa, Greater Tunb, and Lesser Tunb, islands located in the strategically important Strait of Hormuz through which 40 percent of the world’s oil and most of the oil from the Gulf region passes. The paper discusses the status of the three islands during the pre-colonial, British colonial, and post-colonial periods. Of particular note is Great Britain’s role in the Gulf and how it shaped the development of the claims of Iran and the emirates of Sharjah and Ras al-Khaimah over the three disputed islands. The paper also examines the Iranian and UAE legal perspectives concerning the islands in order to get a better understanding of why Iran has consistently refused to submit the case to the International Court of Justice.

Gulf region’s relations with the outside world are changing radically. The Gulf’s major trading partners are now no longer predominantly Western. China, in particular, now has a significant stake and highly critical interests in the region. The United States still dominates the security field, yet its Gulf allies have come to doubt the strength of US commitment. Meanwhile the Arab monarchies of the Gulf are struggling to cope with multiple divisions, problems and threats: the radical forces of change unleashed by the Arab Spring, the rising power of ISIS, and the destabilising impact of their unsettled relations with Iran. This book examines the range of security issues which this situation has given rise to: the nature and scope of US power, and the likely directions of future policy; the options open to Asian powers with interests in the region; the concerns, strategies and dynamics of the regional states; and the feasibility of European states assuming a security role in the region.

The ties that bind Africa and the Gulf region have deep historical roots that influence both what Braudel called the longue durée and the short-term events of current policy shifts, market-based economic fluctuations, and global and local political vicissitudes. This book, a collaboration of historians, political scientists, development planners, and a biomedical engineer, explores Arabian- African relationships in their many overlapping dimensions. Thus histories constructed from the “bottom up” – records of the everyday activities of commerce, intermarriage, and gender roles – offer an incisive complement to the “top down” histories of dynasties and the elite. Topics such as migration, collective memory, scriptural and oral narratives, and contemporary notions of food security and “soft” power pose new questions about the ties that bind Africa to the Gulf. This volume is based on a workshop held at the 5th Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center Cambridge in summer 2014.

This paper examines the Gulf Arab countries’ foreign and security policies in the immediate aftermath of the Arab uprisings (until mid-2014) and compares them to the policies of the US and the EU. Building on a detailed outline of the different facets of power and a comparison with the respective actor’s capabilities in the aftermath of World War I, it argues that, relatively speaking, the power of the Western actors has declined, while that of the Gulf Arab players has increased. The analysis lays out the factors that have contributed to this outcome. Analytically, the paper engages with the concept of power but starts from the perspective of the entities that experience the exercise of power. This allows the author to develop the investigation using traditional power measurements, while simultaneously avoiding a Western-centered viewpoint. Thus, a sense of agency for the Middle East and, more specifically, the Gulf Arab region is restored.

In 2008, Turkey became the first country outside the Gulf to be given the status of strategic partner of the GCC. This was a turning point in Turkey-GCC relations as, for long, Turkey’s relations with the region had been quite weak, and the two sides had not spent much effort to revive trust-based mutual relations since the Ottoman period. Since 2008, relations have improved in an unprecedented way. The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding in Jeddah in December 2011 laid the foundation of a regular dialogue at the ministerial level, while Turkey’s trade volumes with the Gulf monarchies reached $19.6 billion in 2012. What explains these remarkable changes? What can be done to encourage exchange of technical expertise and information, improve economic relations, and initiate negotiations to establish free trade zones? The contributions in this volume address these questions and evaluate the historical, cultural, economic, and political reasons for the improving GCC-Turkey ties with a special emphasis on changing security perceptions after the start of the Arab Spring, and specifically the Syrian civil war. They explore the potential areas for further cooperation and the impact of economic interdependence, cultural interactions, and power balances on the evolving relationship between the two sides. To sum up, this timely book provides comprehensive assessments from a well-informed multinational group of authors, thus making an interdisciplinary contribution to the existing literature on GCC-Turkey relations.

With its fifth edition, the 2014 Gulf Research Meeting reached another milestone, becoming definitely an established and expected event in the field of Gulf studies. This has only been made possible thanks to all our participants, both the new ones and the regular ones, who have enthusiastically contributed to the proceedings. Through parallel workshops dedicated to specific topics in the fields of politics, economics, energy, security and the wider social sciences, the Gulf Research Meeting addresses the existing shortcomings, to provide correct and insightful information about the region and to promote mutual understanding between the Gulf and the rest of the world.

The Gulf Research Center has issued its Annual Report 2014, a compilation of the programs, research activities, events and publications that were undertaken all through 2014. Some of the key highlights of the year included: Research Projects: The GRC launched the Gulf Arab Union Project in early 2014 to foster a debate about the direction of unity among the member states of the GCC as well as to analyze the prospects for a deeper union. In addition to a series of policy papers that were prepared and released, events were also held in Cairo, Egypt; Manama, Bahrain and Washington, D.C. Another important project is the Gulf Labor Markets and Migration (GLMM) Program, a joint effort of GRC and the Migration Policy Centre, Florence. Over the course of the year, the program released a number of analytical papers as well as added significantly to the data on GCC labor markets available on the project website. The data is available for free for the general public and can be accessed under http://gulfmigration.eu/ Events: Events and public engagement programs continue to be an important part of the annual GRC calendar. Key events in 2014 included: • The fifth edition of the annual Gulf Research Meeting (GRM), now an established event on the academic calendar, held in August in Cambridge, UK. In 2014, GRM featured 14 workshops with nearly 350 participants. Full information on the Gulf Research Meeting, including for the 2015 event scheduled for August 24-27, 2015, can be found under http://www.gulfresearchmeeting.net/ • The Gulf Forum 2014 on the topic “Arabian Gulf and Regional Challenges” held in Riyadh in September, bringing together numerous prominent decision makers and policy officials for discussions on issues impacting the Gulf region. It was organized in collaboration with the Institute of Diplomatic Studies, Riyadh. • The 2nd Saudi Economic Conference entitled “National Economy: Challenges and Ambitions” organized by the Faculty of Economics and Administration, King Abdulaziz University in cooperation with GRC. The events featured the participation of HRH Prince Muqrin Bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud, the Crown Prince of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and HRH Prince Miteb Bin Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud, the Minister of the National Guard. International Cooperation: Cooperation with a wide range of organizations on Gulf issues is a fundamental component of the GRC strategy. During a trip to the United States in October, GRC Chairman Dr. Abdulaziz Sager and Dr. Christian Koch, Director, GRC Foundation, held meetings with officials in the State Department and Pentagon and at the National Defense University and prominent think tanks including the Council on Foreign Relations, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and Atlantic Council, among others. Both also participated in the annual US-Arab Policymakers Conference held by the National Council on US-Arab Relations. As part of broadening its international network, the GRC signed Memoranda of Cooperation with the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations (NCUSAR) and Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut.

Despite the fact that the EU finds itself confronted by a deep multi-faceted crisis at the institutional, economic, political and foreign policy level which undoubtedly has affected the EU’s attraction as an integration model and can be expected to hamper the EU’s image and reputation as a ‘source of inspiration’ further in the future, this paper argues that the EU continues still continues to set a relevant example for those regions and countries, such as the Gulf countries, which want to move forward on the path of regional integration. In the view of the authors, it is especially in the way that the EU has been coping with crises, and the solutions that have been found to the current challenges, that may provide invaluable lessons to other countries and regions which may face similar problems in the future.

“This paper aims at providing an outlook on the future of EU-GCC relations by framing the constraints and opportunities for closer cooperation within the debate about regionalism. Starting from the assumption that both the EU and the GCC are more or less successful examples of regional cooperation and integration, the paper argues that opportunities to strengthen GCC cooperation and integration at the regional level lie in the pursuit of an effective and strategic dialogue and cooperation between the two blocs. In particular, the paper offers both theoretical and empirical examples of the phenomenon of inter-regionalism, namely the possibility to draw on, copy, and link up with other regional experiences as well as to coordinate common strategies and policies among regional blocs. In this regard, two areas will be briefly investigated: fiscal and monetary governance, and foreign and security policy.”

Given the importance of economic growth for the governments and the people in the GCC countries, there is greater scope for consensus in the economic realm in the short and medium terms as far as the GCC’s future is concerned. Foreign and security policies, meanwhile, are being increasingly shaped in consultation and accommodation with other countries, either at the bilateral or multilateral levels. In the context of Asian countries seeking integration at various regional and sub-regional levels to maximize their economic, political, and security benefits, it would be in the interest of the GCC countries to seek cooperation with Asian countries as a bloc rather than bilaterally. The GCC countries and Asia share a common desire for peace, stability, and security in the region and value the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of all concerned countries. In the process of moving forward, the real test is how to turn the GCC-Asia economic bonhomie into a factor of regional security. The dilemmas in the Gulf region could ease if the GCC and Asian countries evolve new ideas of collective security that go beyond the restrictive paradigms of the past. This, in turn, makes GCC integration all the more imperative.

During the quarter century since the rentier state theory was first articulated, a great deal has changed in respect to the economies of the energy-producing countries of the Gulf. They have not only grown much richer but also adopted sophisticated means for governing their finances and have become significant players in global financial markets. Moreover, they have begun planning for the time when they would run out of hydrocarbon reserves by directing, like Norway, a significant portion of their rents into Sovereign Wealth Funds. Connected to all continents from its several hubs and boasting some of the largest airlines in the world, the Gulf is no longer at the periphery but constitutes one of the significant centers at the global crossroads. After these tremendous changes, however, do the energy-producing states of the Gulf region still remain as rentier states? This paper examines whether the rentier state exists today according to the criteria formulated by Hazem Beblawi and Giacomo Luciani some 25 years ago and whether it is possible to sharpen the definition of the rentier state with the benefit of hindsight.

Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) as a regional space has been recently institutionalized by the creation of CELAC (Community of Latin America and the Caribbean States) in 2010. Additionally, there are a set of cooperation and regional integration mechanisms with different features, origins, and history, which exist side-by-side and also generate geopolitical convergence and sometimes divergence and even competition. The main aim of this paper is, firstly, to present a brief overview of regionalism in Latin America. Second, the paper will describe the current situation and analyze some of the obstacles that face regional integration processes. Finally, some parallels to the integration process among the GCC states will be drawn in order to highlight some complementarities.

This volume contains the contributions to the Gulf Research Center workshop entitled: “Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Relations with Post-War Iraq: A Strategic Perspective,” held during the July 2013 Gulf Research Meeting in Cambridge, UK. The papers examine the history and future of the often fractious relationship between Iraq and the GCC countries. The backdrop is the US dominance of security arrangements in the Arabian Gulf region for most of the post-war period. Prior to the new millennium, the region’s major security threat was perceived to be the mounting rivalry between a GCC-US camp on the one hand and an Iranian camp on the other. Some semblance of equilibrium had been achieved through the late 1990s, but the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 created new fault lines. In the invasion’s aftermath, regional peace was maintained by the overwhelming presence of US troops both in Iraq and in the GCC more generally. The 2011 withdrawal of US troops from Iraq plunged the region into a state of disequilibrium, and current developments suggest a trajectory of mounting instability. The volume’s contributions explore the underlying reasons for the region’s instability from a variety of perspectives and with an emphasis on the GCC’s relationship with Iraq. Topics covered include: Iraq’s federal architecture, the highly controversial role of Iran, the effects of regional sectarianism, the possibility of Iraq becoming a member of the GCC, the impact of Chinese oil demand, the evolving nature of US regional military deployments, and the expanding use of social media by religious clerics. The volume’s goal is to produce operational recommendations for senior government figures. To that end, each author provides two lists of recommendations for improving the region’s stability: one targeting GCC policymakers and the other targeting their Iraqi counterparts. There is a strong consensus concerning the need for a more inclusive and multilateral approach to regional security, and for any such approach to be spearheaded by the region’s principle stakeholders: Iraq, Iran and the GCC countries themselves. However, the precise nature of a potentially successful common security strategy remains an area of considerable controversy.

The Gulf region’s primary economic relationships are rapidly shifting from West to East. Relations with China, Japan and South Korea are becoming increasingly strategic in nature: based on a degree of mutual dependence far greater than is present in Gulf-Western relations. The balance of global politics will be critically affected by this powerful emerging relationship. This book provides documentation of the trend and examines some of the political and strategic issues which follow from it.

Looked at from a broader perspective, the Middle East region is faced with a myriad of challenges that not only complicates the search for policy solutions but in fact makes the resolution of the present and immediate challenges highly unlikely in the short term.

This paper challenges the widespread assertion that the Saudi reaction to the developments related to the Arab Spring has been purely counterrevolutionary in nature. While it is true that Riyadh has been supporting the monarchical regimes in Bahrain and Oman and backed the Mubarak regime in Egypt right until its fall, the Kingdom supported the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime in Libya and, after initial hesitation, also became a strong supporter of the anti-regime forces in Syria. The Saudi reaction to the Arab Spring has been dynamic in nature and differed from one state to another. The Saudi bolstering of the political status quo and regime stability in some states, support of revolutionary forces in others, and interference in post-revolutionary processes yet elsewhere, may ostensibly be a contradiction but is in fact the result of a coherent strategy. Riyadh’s reaction to protests, revolts, and revolutions in the Arab states has been strategic keeping in view the perceived challenges and opportunities these developments posed to itsmain policy interests: regime security; regional stability; and the containment, and ideally the rollback, of Iranian regional influence. In this context, the decisive factors are geographic proximity, the nature of the concerned state’s political system, and the quality of the particular regime’s relations with Saudi Arabia and its main opponent, Iran. On the domestic level, Riyadh reacted to popular protests by using its traditional strategy of buying domestic peace; however, it did not conduct any meaningful political reforms and took tough action against protests in the Eastern Province. However, as the majority of protesters did not seek regime change, Riyadh’s reaction cannot be labeled counterrevolutionary.

The Gulf Research Center has released the annual report of its activities for 2013 highlighting the conferences, meetings and project work undertaken during the course of the year. GRC conducted important events in 2013 including the Gulf Research Meeting which gathered almost 500 participants. All GRC activities in terms of events, participations, publications and other research work are documented in this annual report based on GRC commitment to contribute to the intellectual and research capacity of the entire Gulf region.

Abstract: The seventh issue of the Gulf-Asia Research Bulletin is now available. The current issue features several articles on Japan’s relations with the Gulf including the GCC and Iran.

The Seminar Report summarizing the proceedings of the 2013 Gulf Research Meeting (GRM) has been released. The 2013 Gulf Research Meeting was the fourth meeting in what has become within the short period of its existence an established tradition in the field of Gulf studies. During this time and since the first gathering in 2010, the objectives of the GRM remain the same - to further build and extend the bridge of scholarly and academic excellence, and to promote continued exchange among scholars working on this critical part of the world. The past year has once again underlined the numerous issues that impact the Gulf region as well as the entire Middle East. A proper understanding of these issues and their wide-ranging consequences continues to be urgent and absolutely necessary. For the 2013 meeting, the number of workshops was restricted to twelve, a policy that we will continue in order to ensure the quality and longevity of our meeting. This made the selection from over 50 excellent proposals, covering a broad spectrum of critical issues currently facing the Gulf region, even more difficult. At the same time, the meeting still brought together more than 300 participants with 180 paper presenters and well more than 100 listening participants. The response for the meeting continues to be significant. Please click below to view the report.

An overall of the deliberations held during the first GCC-Swiss Forum held September 3 and 4, 2013 in Geneva, Switzerland has been released. The event which brought together more than 200 participants included several keynote speeches and panel discussions on issue related to promoting a better business environment between the GCC states and Switzerland.

The European Union (EU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have been interacting on a number of aspects of global governance for many years. Despite significant differences in size, structure, and political views on various topics, both organizations have managed to establish a level playing field wherein a tentative convergence of attitudes towards global governance has been possible. Until recently, this has predominantly been in the field of economic cooperation. The focus on economics has led some to view this cooperation as falling short of perhaps overambitious expectations in political issues, while others view the cooperation as fitting with the EU’s external relations and political incentives. While this paper focuses on the opportunities for cooperation in global governance, it is crucial to note that within the EU and the GCC the scope for engagement is heavily dependent upon the impulse provided by the member states of both institutions. The joint cooperation activities reveal that the EU-GCC relationship is flourishing, but in specific sectors rather than on global lines. This paper seeks to show a sample of these different areas, looking at a range of different global governance challenges and examining how the EU and the GCC can interact in these areas. This paper also suggests that the engagement of different types of actors in diplomatic relations will support the development of cooperation between the EU and the GCC.

Rather than just stress the present comfort zones, the essence of this book lies in its emphasis on an institutional and practical approach to diversify relations between the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and India beyond the economic realm in future. The prescriptions to realize this from two teams of academic scholars and diplomatic practitioners of the GCC countries and India, who interacted as part of a unique Track 1.5 effort, form the core of the book. Covering the energy, economic, diasporic, political, security, international, social, environmental and cultural dimensions of the relations between the two sides, the chapters outline ways to transform the current engagement into a strategic one. In the process, the book analyzes the ground realities as they are, explores areas to intensify cooperation, identifies obstacles and advocates ways to circumvent them in order to ensure a win-win situation. The fact that the various chapters approach this exercise from different timeframes adds to the novelty of the book. Further, since the effort of all the authors is deliberately geared towards recommending policy-oriented steps to the governments on both sides, it is a treasure trove of workable ideas and options that bears the potential to significantly upgrade GCC-India relations in the short, medium and long terms.

Since the last decade of the 20th century, there has been an increase in South-South trade, which is also reflected in the trade between the Gulf and Latin American countries. While trade between the two sides grew substantially during the last decade, there are also renewed attempts to cooperate in other fields. The opening of embassies in Latin America by the Gulf countries and vice versa in the last few years, direct flights between Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela to some of the capitals of the Gulf region, investments by the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Qatar in some Latin American countries and the holding of the Arab-South American Summits starting from 2005, among other exchanges, reveal the growing convergence of interests between these two regions. This book covers, in particular, an aspect that is often neglected in area studies, namely the exchange as a whole between the two regions, since most studies on these regions tend to focus on the interactions with developed countries or emerging economies such as China and Russia. From a historical, economic and politically strategic point of view, the book offers a critical examination of the foreign policies pursued by the Gulf and Latin American countries in the renewed exchange that is taking place now. Attention is given to the importance that both regions place on the elaboration and implementation of their foreign policies as well as the strategies envisaged. From the Gulf perspective, some of the chapters show how Latin America became a part of the Gulf countries’ search for global engagement, as the result of a process emanating from their own internal and regional needs. From the Latin American perspective, the chapters assess the new strategies and interests which guide the development of closer links with the Gulf against the backdrop of the shifts and continuities of their foreign policies. This volume discusses the different perspectives in the evolution of recent interests and issues at stake in this emerging relationship between the Gulf and Latin American countries.

As part of its project "Promoting Deeper EU-GCC Relations", the Gulf Research Center (GRC) is releasing a Gulf Paper entitled “EU and GCC Countries’ Foreign Policies and the Mediterranean Neighborhood – Towards Synergetic Cooperation?” by Tobias Schumacher and Irene Fernández Molina. This paper was presented and discussed at an international workshop “Promoting an EU-GCC Dialogue on Foreign Policy Issues” organized by the GRC, the Institute for European Studies from Vrije Universiteit, Brussels, and Qatar University. The workshop was held at the Qatar University, Doha in April 2013. This paper aims to provide a comparative analysis of the EU’s reinforced, yet ongoing, foreign policy engagement in the Arab Mediterranean and the GCC monarchies’ widening foreign policy activism in the region with a particular emphasis on the period after the outbreak of the Arab Spring. It discusses both the extent to which collaboration between the EU and GCC countries in the Arab Mediterranean is possible and the reasons why such collaboration has not yet materialized and is unlikely to occur in the near future. The paper also looks at the evolving role of the EU and GCC countries in their Mediterranean neighborhood and the prospects of EU-GCC cooperation in their common neighborhood space.

As part of its project "Promoting Deeper EU-GCC Relations", the Gulf Research Center (GRC) is releasing a Gulf Paper entitled “What is the Status of the EU-GCC Relationship?” by Dr. Valentina Kostadinova, Lecturer in Politics at the University of Buckingham, UK. This paper was presented and discussed at an international workshop “Promoting an EU-GCC Dialogue on Foreign Policy Issues” organized by the GRC, the Institute for European Studies from Vrije Universiteit, Brussels, and Qatar University. The workshop was held at the Qatar University, Doha in April 2013. Over the years, the multifaceted EU-GCC relationship has been analyzed from the political, economic and security angles. This has provided an overview of the relationship, as well as its positives and negatives. In an effort to go beyond the existing literature, this paper argues that an important aspect of the relationship, so far not explicitly dealt with, has been the divergence in many of the fundamental norms/values held by the two organizations. Arguably, these have led not only to the very different institutional outlooks of the organizations but perhaps even more importantly, to at times (drastically) different social institutions. Thus, the paper provides a convincing complementary perspective on why despite the widely acknowledged commonality of many of the organizations’ interests, the EU-GCC relationship did not develop very smoothly. Furthermore, it points to one substantial area future interactions almost certainly will have to address, if more encouraging outcomes from EU-GCC interactions are to take place. Besides identifying the institutional, structural, material, and normative reasons that are holding back the development of the EU-GCC relationship, the paper discusses the possibilities for these institutionally very different organizations to establish a better working relationship and provides some policy recommendations.

A combination of global political and economic factors helped Asia and the Gulf ‘rediscover’ their ties in the beginning of the 21st century. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries adopted a ‘Look East’ policy, as a result of which India further consolidated its age-old partnership with the region. Against the backdrop of this renewed ‘East-East camaraderie’, this book explores how growing GCC-India economic ties could impact the future course of their relationship. It postulates that the stage is now set for the construction of a strategic GCC-India partnership, including the evolution of a strategic role for India in the region.

In April 2013, the GRC undertook a week-long trip to South Korea and Japan. The visit was planned in conjunction with the opening of the GRC office in Tokyo and to focus on the growing strategic relations between these two countries and the Gulf region. This report provides an assessment of the visit in addition to providing an overview and summary of the many different meetings and events that were held as part of the trip

As part of a larger publication entitled "The Uneasy Balance: Potential and Challenges of the West's Relations with the Gulf States" edited by Riccardo Alcaro and Andrea Dessì and published by the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), the chapter entitled "The GCC States and the West: Challenges of Arab Transitions" by Christian Koch is now available for download and further reading. The publication is the result of the fifth edition of the Transatlantic Security Symposium held in Rome on 16 November 2012.

To analyze the events in the Middle East and put them in their proper context, the 10th Gstaad Roundtable under the theme of The Middle East: Change and Upheaval 2012 was held on June 15-17, 2012 in Gstaad, Switzerland. Hosted by the Gulf Research Center (GRC), the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP), and the Crown Center at Brandeis University, the meeting brought together 24 renowned regional, security, and policy experts in order to assess the overall situation in the Middle East. The meeting focused on seven major themes ranging from an overall assessment of the geopolitical and regional dynamics at play to the current state and implications of the Arab Revolutions to the more specific issues of the situation in the Levant, Turkey, the Gulf region, and Israel and Palestine. The roundtable concluded with a discussion on the implications of the US election for the Middle East and its consequences for US foreign policy. The attached publication provides a detailed summary of those discussions. The 2013 meeting will be held from June 28-30, 2013.

Abstract: This GCC-Asia bulletin, which is to be produced bi-annually, seeks to address the current information deficit in the area of GCC-Asia relations through analytical and incisive articles. In this issue, the emphasis is on the relationship with Japan.

This paper is primarily aimed at examining the question of why Saudi public opinion, in contradistinction to wider regional trends and despite active promotion of bilateral ties, continues to hold persistent negative attitudes about China. Due to limitations in available surveys and polls, the paper draws on material taken from the Saudi media covering the period 2006-2012 and focusing on a set of political and economic topics with the hope of identifying existing themes and images about China therein. By examining how China is perceived by the press, and how the perceptions are conditioned by political messaging and populist sentiments, this paper hopes to uncover some of the sources underlying the Saudi population’s negative perceptions about China. This study is a preliminary attempt at re-examining some of our widely-accepted beliefs regarding the dynamics shaping Sino-Arab relations, and especially public receptivity towards China.

The Seminar Report for the 2012 Gulf Research Meeting (GRM) held on 11-14 July 2012 at the University of Cambridge has been released. This Seminar Report contains a complete overview of GRM 2012 including the opening ceremony and each of the workshops. GRM 2012 was the largest of the three annual Gulf Research Meetings that have been held so far, underlining the attraction of such an event for the Gulf scholarly community. With the third meeting, the GRM continued the realization of its objective to build and extend the bridge of scholarly and academic excellence, and to promote continued exchange among scholars working on this critical part of the world. With the events that continue to impact the Gulf region as well as the entire Middle East, a proper understanding of the issues continues to be urgent and absolutely necessary. GRM 2012 covered a broad spectrum of critical issues currently facing the Gulf region and consisted of 19 workshops, which brought together about 500 participants, including close to 300 paper presenters and well over 100 listening participants. There was an increased response from scholars and other interested persons from the Gulf region itself.

The Gulf Research Center has released the annual report of its activities for 2012 highlighting the conferences, meetings and project work undertaken during the course of the year. GRC has witnessed during 2012 a lot of activities in terms of organizing different key events and expanding its reach with the opening of a new office in Tokyo, Japan. GRC conducted important events in 2012 including the Gulf Research Meeting that took place in July which gathered almost 500 participants, the first annual Think Tank Security Forum held in Venice in May 2012 which brought together 30 of the leading strategic think tanks of the world, and the Gstaad Middle East Roundtable. It's worth mentioning another key development in the year 2012 represented in GRC’s cooperation with King Abdulaziz University in Jeddah with respect to a series of events and research projects that handled the main issues impacting the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. All GRC activities in terms of events, participations, publications and other research work are documented in this annual report based on GRC commitment to contribute to the intellectual and research capacity of the entire Gulf region.

Since 1990, the Middle East has gained importance geopolitically while the center of gravity of the region has shifted from the Levant to the Gulf. Among the key players in the region is the Islamic Republic of Iran whose revolutionary behavior and ambitious, if ambiguous, nuclear program have added to its neighbors’ anxieties about its goals. However, in the wake of the Arab Spring, Iran has found its influence waning. A new GRC paper points out that widespread regional instability has not been conducive to the extension of Iran’s power or influence. It adds that Tehran now faces a less tractable regional environment with allies weakened and adversaries emboldened.

Although 2011 was arguably the most difficult year in our young history, I am pleased and proud that the Gulf Research Center (GRC) managed to continue serving those closest to us, those who believed in us, and those who supported us from the beginning. In our continuous effort to supply knowledge for all, we increased our scope from our traditional areas of research to include projects concerning the environment, clean energy and science & technology. This year, our publications were for the first time distributed to five continents, and we managed to enhance and strengthen our global network of academic and commercial partners.

The volatile security environment in the Gulf region underlines the necessity for the GCC countries to interact in an innovative way with their neighbors both to secure their neighborhood and to generate greater cooperation on their foreign policies. A Gulf Neighborhood Policy (GNP) would create a framework covering the structure and implementation of a range of policies defining bilateral and multilateral ties between the GCC states and selected partner states. In its bid to delineate the outlines of an effective GNP, this paper draws upon the lessons offered by the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). Besides detailing the strengths and shortcomings of the European example, it also looks at how the EU and the GCC can cooperate to make an effective GNP possible. It describes how the GNP can be an efficient tool for the creation of a secure and economically strong neighborhood for the Gulf monarchies.

More than two decades after the 1988 EU-GCC Cooperation Agreement, institutional ties between the two blocs have emerged at several levels. On the multilateral level, interactions between the European Commission and the GCC states have taken the relationship forward over the years. Relations have also proceeded similarly at the bilateral level between individual member states. However, the progress has not always been smooth. The issue of a free trade agreement (FTA) has become a sticking point and negotiations are yet to yield a concrete result. Beyond the FTA issue, however, there are several areas such as education, economic governance, Islamic finance, empowerment of women where the EU and the GCC could expand their collaboration. The two sides could also have a closer dialogue on security issues. Besides, civil society organizations in the two regions could further inter-regional cooperation. The papers in this volume examine some of these aspects of GCC-EU relations and suggest ways for a more broad-based and effective collaboration.

The wealthy oil states in the Arabian Gulf are commonly classified as classic rentier-states. This study examines whether the rentier state theory is able to explain the political and economic developments of Dubai. Dubai showed the income structure of a rentier state until the mid-1980s and external rents today still count for a substantial part of the emirate’s revenues. However, Dubai has never shown a clear rentier state behavior. Even during times of high oil revenues, Dubai chose to invest in the productive sector and made use of available advantages to invest in economic diversification. Its economic policies have shown continuity since the 1950s. The rentier state theory is not able to satisfactorily explain the economic policies before 1985 and it is not clear if the policies after 1985 can be interpreted as a crisis management measure in accordance with the rentier state theory. At the same time, it seems evident that in analyzing the development of Dubai, it is important to take into account the role played by other factors such as geography, history and the involved actors.

The relations between Russia and the Gulf States on the one hand and the CIS and Gulf region on the other form the overarching theme of this book. The Soviet Union exercised an energetic foreign policy towards the Arabian Gulf and the broader Middle East during the late-Cold War period. Following the disintegration of the Soviet state, Moscow’s influence in the region rapidly declined although the Gulf retained a high level of strategic significance for the Kremlin’s foreign policy makers. In recent years, a number of pivotal factors, including international terrorism and Islamic militancy, Russia’s vast expansion in the export of its primary energy commodities to global markets, the international arms trade and nuclear non-proliferation, are all compelling Moscow to commit greater foreign policy resources into engagement with the Gulf region. In this volume, an array of scholars from different disciplines provide their perspectives on contemporary relations and diplomatic engagements between Russia, the CIS and the Gulf region. They examine the political, economic, security and cultural aspects of the relationships to provide a comprehensive overview of the burgeoning ties between the countries of these regions.

The Gulf Yearbook 2008-2009 is the sixth in the annual Yearbook series published by the Gulf Research Center focusing on the key political, economic, social and strategic challenges that define developments in the Gulf region. As in the past years, the Yearbook offers a combination of overviews of major events and in-depth analysis of key issues to facilitate better understanding of the challenges faced by the region. The first section covers political developments such as parliamentary elections in Kuwait and the political role of women in the GCC. In the section on foreign relations, the papers cover a spectrum of issues relating to the GCC’s relations with the US, Europe, Asia, Africa and Turkey. Defense and security issues – including efforts to establish a regional security system – are examined in section three, while section four provides an overview of the economic developments in the region, including in the energy and telecom sectors. Educational reform and water policies in the region are examined in section five pertaining to social issues in the Gulf region. The final section on Iran and Yemen provides an insight into developments in these two important countries of the region.

International relations is a branch of political science focusing on issues, motives and results of interstate relations. In this sense, it covers numerous fields such as diplomacy, foreign relations, comparative politics, sociological history, political economy, strategic and military studies as well as international political theories. Featuring 150 entries, International Relations: The Key Concepts is the essential guide for anyone interested in international affairs. Comprehensive and up-to-date, it introduces the most important themes in international relations, with an emphasis on contemporary issues. Featuring suggestions for further reading as well as a unique guide to Internet web sites on international relations, this accessible handbook is an invaluable guide to a rapidly expanding field, ideal for the student and non-specialist alike.

The Gulf Yearbook 2007-2008 is the fifth in the annual Yearbook series published by the Gulf Research Center focusing on the key political, economic, social and strategic challenges that define developments in the Gulf region. Not only has the Yearbook become a major contribution to innovative, in-depth and authoritative analysis of the Gulf, but its combination of general overviews of major events and in-depth articles on key issues provides a better understanding of the numerous challenges that the region confronts. The Gulf Yearbook 2007-2008 is divided into seven major sections with each section introduced by a general overview article. The first section focuses on the Gulf’s political development with a particular look into election laws in the GCC, the recent elections in Oman and Qatar, as well as the status of civil society in the GCC states. From an economic perspective, the second section assesses the status of and prospects for regional economic integration, developments in the energy sector, and the role of GCC companies in a globalized setting. The Yearbook then introduces a new section on human development featuring articles on education, national identity and demography. Security and defense issues form the fourth part of the Yearbook with an emphasis on nuclear developments, energy security, labor migration and soft security issues. In the section on foreign relations of the Gulf States, specific contributions look into the regional role played by Saudi Arabia, the current US strategy in Iraq, and the role played by the Gulf with regard to the crisis in Darfur. Articles on Gulf-Europe and Gulf-US relations complete this section. This is followed by a closer look in section six at the events in Iraq, Iran and Yemen, and their impact on the region as a whole. The volume is then completed with an analysis of environmental policies as the need to develop sustainable growth processes continues to increase in importance. Overall, the Gulf Yearbook 2007-2008 provides a comprehensive overview of the region’s developments and extends an analytical framework that outlines and examines key trends and scenarios for 2008.

The significance of the Gulf States derives from their vast energy resources and their geographic position in the politically volatile and strategically significant Middle East region. Pakistan’s strategic location in relation to the Middle East, Central Asia, China and India, coupled with it being the only Muslim nuclear power, has added a significant dimension to its ties with the Gulf. The long-standing relations between the Gulf States and Pakistan are multifaceted and encompass political, economic, cultural and security aspects. This edited volume looks at the issues that play a major role in Gulf-Pakistan relations. It covers the historical ties between the regions, political relations in the changing geo-strategic landscape with China and India emerging as Asian giants, economic relations governed by energy, trade and manpower issues, and security ties including defense cooperation, counterterrorism and soft security issues. With eminent commentators and analysts providing well-informed insights on these issues, this book aims to address the dearth of research material on Gulf-Pakistan relations.

This study highlights the Iranian foreign policy from 1979 to 2000, a period in which Iran witnessed three governments that differed in their attitudes towards the GCC countries due to the disparity in the determinants governing these attitudes. It examines the historical environment surrounding this policy and its governing factors, whether regional or international. It also explores the role of ideology, leadership and national interests in shaping the foreign policy of the various Iranian governments starting from the Islamic Revolution in 1979 up to 2000. The study focuses on Iranian foreign policy towards the GCC countries in this period, and sheds light on a number of issues relevant to this policy such as ideology, the Iranian quest for a regional role, borders, security and armament as well as GCC-Iran regional cooperation

This issue contains articles on the following topics: - Where Are US-GCC Relations Headed? - US Loses Ground in the Gulf - The Nawaz Sharif Case: A Testament to Excellent Saudi-Pakistan Relations - Demography and Political Violence in the Middle East - The Gulf Countries and Nuclear Energy

This book describes Russian policy in the Middle East with particular focus on the post-Soviet period from 1991 to the present. The author pays attention, however, to previous Soviet and Imperial periods as necessary background to understanding recent events. He highlights both historical continuities as well as historical contrad dictions in the relations between Russia and the Middle East.

Since the end of World War II support for aid has waxed and waned. But what has particularly characterized the post-war foreign aid enterprise is its durability: aid has managed to reinvent and renew itself. In particular, the first years of the 21st century have witnessed a steady expansion of aid and growing attention of political leaders to the problems of global poverty. This has resulted in aid being given a new prominence, with repeated pledges being made at world summits to provide more aid. Between 2004 and 2005, for instance, a massive jump in aid occurred from $80bn to over $100bn...

The international community has received Iran’s efforts to acquire nuclear weapons with great concern since it perceives that such acquisition will lead to dangerous instability in the Gulf region and beyond. There is concern that some countries such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Turkey may be tempted to match Iran at least by acquiring similar nuclear fuel production technologies, while other powers may be tempted to strike militarily at Iran.

Gulf Policy under Gordon Brown • A Stable Iraq Needs a Strong National Army • The Virtual Cold War: Implications for the GCC Region • Exploring GCC Relations with the Levant States • Abu Dhabi ‘Green City’ Initiative: A Step in the Right Direction

Post-communist transformation of Russia is a popular topic of research in political science/international relations. This book conceives ‘transformation’ as the creation of a fundamental discontinuity in the institutions of a society. Whereas an election can change the people and party in control of government while leaving its institutions intact, transformation changes the very structure of government. Hence, transformation differs from political reform: it is not an alteration of institutions to make the political system work better; it is a disruption of institutions that replace one political system with another. Transformation is an abnormal condition of society, because it involves fundamental changes in its central institutions.

This issue contains articles on the following topics: • Economic Diversification and Knowledge Economy • Gulf Issues a Predominant Theme at G8 Meeting • Looking Ahead: Saudi Arabia’s Economy • The Curse of Oil and the Disintegration of Iraq • Analyzing the Military Posture of US and Iranian Troops in the Gulf Region • Overlooked and Understated: EU-GCC Economic Cooperation

The Gulf Yearbook 2006-2007 highlights the main and critical developments of the year for the Gulf region focusing on the major political, economic, security, and social trends. With the Gulf region facing challenges on numerous fronts, the Yearbook attempts to throw an analytical perspective on what has been another tumultuous year in Gulf affairs. It looks at the key political and social developments in the region with a particular focus on the election processes taking place, for example in Kuwait and Bahrain. This is followed by an in-depth look into the economic issues that have dominated the year including the situation of the financial markets and the status of the region’s petrochemical industry. With oil prices hovering at record levels, an evaluation of the oil sector completes this section. Security and defense issues dominate the third part of the Yearbook with developments in Iraq, the debate over the Iranian nuclear program and terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies all requiring a specific focus. In the fourth section, the Gulf Yearbook turns to the international relations of the Gulf with a look at the impact of US policy in the region and the emerging roles that both Europe and Asia are playing. Particular emphasis is given to some of the regional developments including the conflict in Lebanon of the summer of 2006 and its repercussions. This is followed by a closer look at events in Iraq, Iran and Yemen and their impact on the region as a whole. The volume is then completed with an analysis of environmental policies as the need to develop a sustainable growth process has taken on an increased importance throughout the year. Overall, the Gulf Yearbook 2006-2007 not only provides a comprehensive overview of the Gulf’s developments in 2006 but equally extends an analytical framework whereby key trends and scenarios for 2007 can be outlined and examined.

This issue contains articles on the following topics: •Discrimination and Islamophobia in Europe: A 21st Century Reality • Report on the International Defense Exhibition and Conference (IDEX 2007) • When a Militia Is Not a Militia • Russian President Putin’s Visit to the Gulf and Likely Implications • Conceptual Framework for Political Reform • Microfinance in the Gulf

This volume provides a compelling analysis of the consequences of the US-led invasion of Iraq. It is a first rate account of the underlying problems of the processes of state building in post-Saddam Iraq. Eric Herring and Glen Rangwala suggest that state building in Iraq has been undermined more by US attempts to control that process rather than by pre-existing weaknesses in the Iraqi state. In their view, the US has been unable to draw the various elements of Iraqi society into cooperating actively with and participating in its state-building project in ways that would not challenge its control of the project’s broad parameters...

This issue contains articles on the following topics: • Poll Results Test Bahrain’s Resilience. • The Assembly of Experts Elections in Iran: Why Did Ahmadinejad Lose. • Russian Foreign Policy Outlook towards the Gulf. • What Do the Gulf Cooperation Council States Want from NATO. • The Coming of Age of the Gulf Petrochemical Industry. • Environmental Threats from Iran’s Nuclear Activities.

Security literature has grown proportionally with the debates about widening and deepening the subject in order to include referents other than military ones which characterised security literature during the cold war (arms control, nuclear deterrence the role of conventional arms, military alliances etc.) and look beyond the state as the main referent object of security. Hence since the early 1990s security analysts have argued continuously for or against moving beyond inter-state relations and including security questions such as population movements and environment degradation (this is what is known as the ‘widening debate’). Simultaneously with this debate run the debate about the deepening of the concept of security which challenged the state-centric nature of security studies by introducing non-state units, such as individuals, humanity, and society, as primary referent objects...

Kuwait and Japan enjoy a partnership that is mostly rooted in trade. Since both countries are close allies of the United States, there is also a convergence of views on major regional and international issues, especially those related to Iraq, which was evident both during the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. This paper documents the various facets of their bilateral relationship and suggests that the recent Kuwaiti emphasis on a "Look East" policy holds the potential for a robust engagement in the future.

Abstract: The geo-strategic location of the GCC States at the crossroads of Asia, Europe and Africa, though advantageous in many ways, exposes them to several disadvantages as well. These states are particularly vulnerable to organized crime syndicates that monopolize narcotics and human trafficking operations, the second and third largest organized crime activities after arms smuggling. The Gulf States are being used as the main transit zone for Afghan narcotics being smuggled to the West and are facing an increasing domestic drug abuse problem. In addition to this, the GCC region is exposed to the growing threat of human trafficking which affects an estimated 700,000-2,000,000 people per year as they are trafficked across state boundaries. There is a misconception that human trafficking is restricted to helpless women and children, but even men are subjected to it. Akin to modern day slavery, human trafficking also includes forced labor and sexual exploitation. Existing counter-trafficking measures, both regional and global, have several shortcomings. In view of the serious security threats posed by narcotics and human trafficking, the GCC states have taken significant measures which are expected to act as an effective deterrent. This study reviews both human and narcotics trafficking in the GCC, and assesses the measures taken at the state and regional levels. It is imperative for the leadership in these states to grasp the extent of this crisis and plan for the negative fallout they are likely to face. The GCC States need to chalk out a strategy at the regional level to address the resulting security implications.

The GRC Annual Report 2006 summarizes the Center's activities and accomplishments during the year and outlines some of the plans for 2007.

Trust is a central issue in international relations (IR), and that centrality is exemplified in the most important struggle of the second half of the twentieth century, the Cold War. The book of Andrew Kydd is about the role of trust and mistrust in international relations and the Cold War. Its basic assumption is that when states can trust each other, they can live at peace, provided that they are security seekers, uninterested in expansion for its own sake. States that are security seekers therefore pay close attention to the motivations of others, attempting to determine who is a fellow security seeker and who is more inherently aggressive. Trust, in this book, is defined as a belief that the other side is trustworthy, that is, willing to reciprocate cooperation, and mistrust as a belief that the other side is untrustworthy, or prefers to exploit one’s cooperation...

Available literature on the Gulf states’ foreign relations has been saturated with discussions of the political and economic relationship between the region and the United States. However, despite the increasing presence of its citizens in the region, nothing has been written on the growing relationship between the US’ neighbor to the north, Canada, and the Gulf region. Robert Bookmiller details the evolution of Canadian foreign policy in the area, with the aim of filling the gap in literature on the subject. Set against the backdrop of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the oil crisis of the 1970s and the three Gulf Wars, he weaves a history of the establishment of diplomatic ties, the strengthening of economic ties and the discovery of cultural bonds between two entities that have until now been considered entirely unrelated. Through his discussion of policy shifts, watershed events and burgeoning immigration, the author provides insight into Canada’s diplomatic process and ultimately tackles the issue of how to improve relations with a region in which personalities, politics and culture often perplex even the most agile diplomats.

The first issue contains articles on the following topics: • Need for UN Resolution to end external intervention in Iraq • Increased Afghan opium production and its impact on the Gulf States • Why Yemen’s GCC membership poses a challenge • The Gulf and a New Age of Petrodollar Recycling • Asymmetrical War on Terrorism: Five Years On • An Environmental Management System in the Gulf Region

This paper presents a new approach to EU-GCC relations. It is based on a European perspective on the major political and economic developments taking place within the GCC and Iraq. Additionally, it delineates the issues in the relations between the two sides on which there could be more focus. The paper deals with the major aspects of democratization and political reforms in the GCC States, the post-war reconstruction of Iraq, as well as the process of economic growth in this region and the promotion of the role of the private sector as the main driver of development and economic liberalization. It also emphasizes the role of the Gulf commercial bourgeoisie in carrying out these economic activities within the different countries of the region and the Arab World in general. This is quite important a role for initiating the required political change in the future. Also, the paper looks at the most important themes in the ongoing negotiations between the EU and the GCC, including political and security issues, in addition to those of good governance, human rights, human resources and education, trade and investment, oil and gas supplies, stock exchange and financial markets.

This research paper examines Europe's willingness and ability to play a role in the Gulf, and describes how this fits in with America's role there. It describes US-European relations in the Gulf since the Cold War and outlines three possible scenarios: weak strategic convergence with America, notably on the subjects of Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the war on terror; some transatlantic cooperation involving NATO, especially through the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, and; an enhanced EU presence in the region, including in the form of a strategic partnership. The paper tackles the question of whether Europe can be a security player in the Gulf and examines the current lack of synergy between the US and Europe over Gulf issues.

These are series of monographs tackling major regional and international issues of interest, in addition to books that deal with specific subjects of relevance to the Gulf region. They cover various subjects with deep insight, serious analysis and objectivity. Each issue of "Gulf Translations" contains subjects of similar nature, usually focusing on issues of interest to the Gulf region. The Gulf Research Center presents these important series to cover the latest developments and theses by specialized scholars and renowned academicians who have keen interest in Gulf affairs. The aim is to disseminate this thought-provoking material and raise public awareness about regional issues, thus fulfilling the GRC motto of extending "Knowledge for all".

The institutional relationship between the European Union (EU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) began in 1988 when the two parties signed a cooperation agreement aimed, among other things, at fostering their commitment to regional integration and interregional cooperation. The agreement included a provision for the establishment of a free trade area. To complement the agreement, the two parties also initiated a political dialogue aimed at fostering their relations. Given the level of interdependence between Europe and the Gulf, both sides expressed high hopes for closer integration and regional cooperation. By 2000, however, it had become evident that the EU-GCC relations had not achieved a great deal of success in this regard. Free trade negotiations had all but stalled and cooperation under the 1988 agreement had proven limited. Political dialogue had stagnated and had failed to overcome trade differences and obstacles. Moreover, there was no energy dialogue, although that had been the principal aim of establishing the relationship. The main point of departure for this study is that since the 1980s, changes in the international oil market have greatly lessened European dependence on oil supplies from the Gulf. The security of oil supplies became less pressing compared to maintaining stability in the Mediterranean. This paradigm shift in the EU's Arab policy was accentuated by the opposition of trans-European petrochemical pressure groups to a free trade arrangement with the GCC. The 1990 proposal for an EU carbon tax also obstructed and delayed FTA negotiations. On the other hand, the nature and dynamics of regional integration within both groups limited their ability to act coherently in conducting their negotiations.

These are series of monographs tackling major regional and international issues of interest, in addition to books that deal with specific subjects of relevance to the Gulf region. They cover various subjects with deep insight, serious analysis and objectivity. Each issue of "Gulf Translations" contains subjects of similar nature, usually focusing on issues of interest to the Gulf region. The Gulf Research Center presents these important series to cover the latest developments and theses by specialized scholars and renowned academicians who have keen interest in Gulf affairs. The aim is to disseminate this thought-provoking material and raise public awareness about regional issues, thus fulfilling the GRC motto of extending "Knowledge for all".

These are series of monographs tackling major regional and international issues of interest, in addition to books that deal with specific subjects of relevance to the Gulf region. They cover various subjects with deep insight, serious analysis and objectivity. Each issue of "Gulf Translations" contains subjects of similar nature, usually focusing on issues of interest to the Gulf region. The Gulf Research Center presents these important series to cover the latest developments and theses by specialized scholars and renowned academicians who have keen interest in Gulf affairs. The aim is to disseminate this thought-provoking material and raise public awareness about regional issues, thus fulfilling the GRC motto of extending "Knowledge for all".

This paper examines the development of EU-GCC relations and their movement from a bilateral basis to a more collective level. The paper begins with an examination of European ties with the broader region, and goes on to focus on recent initiatives and their implications, covering the periods of the Barcelona Process, the Greater Middle East Initiative, and the New Neighborhood Policy. It examines the impact on relations of the lack of GCC institutions, the different foci of the two blocs in terms of political and economic ties, and the conflicting roles of bilateral and multilateral relations. The paper also examines the EU's desire for political reform, discussing the differences between the GCC and the rest of the MENA region, and noting how these might help in the former's political evolution. It concludes with a number of recommendations for improved relations between the EU and GCC.

These are series of monographs tackling major regional and international issues of interest, in addition to books that deal with specific subjects of relevance to the Gulf region. They cover various subjects with deep insight, serious analysis and objectivity. Each issue of "Gulf Translations" contains subjects of similar nature, usually focusing on issues of interest to the Gulf region. The Gulf Research Center presents these important series to cover the latest developments and theses by specialized scholars and renowned academicians who have keen interest in Gulf affairs. The aim is to disseminate this thought-provoking material and raise public awareness about regional issues, thus fulfilling the GRC motto of extending "Knowledge for all".

These are series of monographs tackling major regional and international issues of interest, in addition to books that deal with specific subjects of relevance to the Gulf region. They cover various subjects with deep insight, serious analysis and objectivity. Each issue of "Gulf Translations" contains subjects of similar nature, usually focusing on issues of interest to the Gulf region. The Gulf Research Center presents these important series to cover the latest developments and theses by specialized scholars and renowned academicians who have keen interest in Gulf affairs. The aim is to disseminate this thought-provoking material and raise public awareness about regional issues, thus fulfilling the GRC motto of extending "Knowledge for all".

The announcement of the opening, perhaps by late 2006, of a Euro-denominated Iranian Oil Bourse has sparked wide-spread discussions concerning the impact on the U.S. dollar. One common theme is that the bourse will weaken the demand for dollars, causing its value to fall over time, eventually terminating its role as an international means of payment. Is this likely to occur? Specifically: (1) given existing practices in the pricing of oil and the institutional setting of Iran, can we expect a large volume of oil to be denominated in euros in the near and foreseeable future? (2) In light of (1), is there a good chance the proposed Iranian Euro-denominated oil bourse might a direct role as the catalyst that sets off a movement away from the dollar? Or, (3) are there good reasons to discount the bourse attracting much attention and therefore unlikely to play a significant role in affecting the future value of the dollar? An analysis of these issues suggests that across a wide spectrum of possible events and probabilities, it is unlikely that the proposed Iranian Oil Bourse will be all that attractive to traders, taking a large volume of sales away from established markets. In addition, there are a number of elements tending to perpetuate the dollar’s role as a reserve currency in the international system. It follows that concerns over the dollar are premature.

These are series of monographs tackling major regional and international issues of interest, in addition to books that deal with specific subjects of relevance to the Gulf region. They cover various subjects with deep insight, serious analysis and objectivity. Each issue of "Gulf Translations" contains subjects of similar nature, usually focusing on issues of interest to the Gulf region. The Gulf Research Center presents these important series to cover the latest developments and theses by specialized scholars and renowned academicians who have keen interest in Gulf affairs. The aim is to disseminate this thought-provoking material and raise public awareness about regional issues, thus fulfilling the GRC motto of extending "Knowledge for all".

This Study attempts to analyze the GCC-Jordanian relations between 1980-2004, through highlighting the domestic factors such as Public opinion, the regional factors such as the Palestinian cause and Iraq, and the international factors such as the US role in the region, in determining the course of these relations. This study is based on the hypothesis that the bilateral relations emanate from the GCC and Jordanian perceptions of international relations with some meeting points and differences in these perceptions. The study asserts this hypothesis. Jordan reacted to the events with an eye on protecting its security and national interests, in addition to safeguarding the interests of the Arab nation. The GCC states perspective was based on perceiving Jordan as source of skilled labor. Oil was also a major factor in the bilateral relations and was linked to Jordan’s political stand. The study concludes that the economic factor is not enough to explain these relations, and all available positive opportunities should be exploited to consolidate them in order to face the new challenges including those posed by the extremist groups.

“In their extensive historical march, the Gulf-Egyptian relations produced a network of economic interests, politico-strategic objectives, social ties and cultural interaction. However, their march has not taken a linear form, neither has it been distributed in the same level and form among all the GCC States in accordance with the requirements of mutual interests and the Egyptian traditional regional role, as well as the Egyptian-Saudi competition. The development of the relationship between the two parts can be divided into epochs, which determine intervals between decisive historical shifts witnessed by Egypt and the GCC States, individually or collectively. Each epoch was dominated by a particular political perception. Before the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was founded, Egypt was a strong regional center whereas the Gulf was its “vital sphere”. The relationship changed from “subordination” to the “Cold Arab War” when the conflict between Cairo and Riyadh reached a peak in the 1960s. Following this Egypt and the GCC States were reconciled after the June 1967 defeat, only to return to severance of relations again after the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty. Then the relationship developed into the present form of “mutual interdependence”. The two sides embody the future stake as regards the survival of a “viable Arabic bloc” in the face of the “Greater Middle East” project.

In 1938, Alan Villiers travelled through the Arabian Gulf on Kuwaiti dhows. His year-long journey began in the port of Aden and ended in Kuwait, and included stops in Zanzibar, Lamu, Mogadishu, Haifun, Mukalla, Sur, Muscat, Bahrain, and Basra. His book Sons of Sinbad is an account of his travels and an important and unique travel narrative. Yet Sons of Sinbad and Alan Villiers do not feature in any travel literature on the region, and are not considered in any scholarly work on travel writing in the Middle East or as travel writing of the modernist, postcolonial period. Sea Change: Alan Villiers and the Subversion of the Arabian Travel Narrative highlights the important contribution Villiers made – in his historical documentation of the Arabian Gulf as a travel writer of the early half of the 20th century, and also to the genre of travel writing in general. It draws on Sons of Sinbad and Villiers’ previously unpublished Arabian journals, comparing them with the work of other travel writers visiting the region and beyond during this period. Various analyses of travel writing and cultural theory as well as aspects of identity and the relationship between empire and its subordinate peripheries are explored. In doing this, Sea Change demonstrates how Villiers’ contribution subverts the associations between travel writing, Orientalism, and the politics of colonialism, ensuring that the literary, historical, political, social, and cultural significance of Villiers’ writing is no longer overlooked.

Abstract: The GCC-EU Research Bulletin is a quarterly newsletter focused on the relationship between the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the European Union (EU). The newsletter combines an overview of events within the Gulf Research Center with short informative articles on aspects of the GCC-EU relationship as well as useful background information.

During the third year of its official operations in 2005, the GRC recorded tremendous progress. The annual report lists the Center’s activities and achievements during the past year and highlights the plans and challenges for 2006.

Relations between the Russian Federation and the newly independent former Soviet Republics of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the monarchies of the Arabian Gulf are presently being consolidated. Although full political ties between the former Soviet Union and the Gulf states have been established since at least the late Soviet period, political, cultural and economic engagement between these regions has only become more assertive over the last few years. The strategic interests of the Russian Federation and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, for example, have converged more often. This has been a result of acts of terrorism, like the September 11 attacks in New York, ensuing international political crises like the American-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, and new economic developments of global significance, such as the vastly increased levels of Russian oil production and exports from the late 1990s. Furthermore, the CIS is home to around 65 million Muslims and a revival of Islam has rapidly taken place in various Muslim regions there. The supportive role that the states of the Gulf have played in backing the Islamic revival in the CIS has led to further, careful engagement between the two blocs, with the governments of the CIS harboring suspicion that such support is aiding the spread of Islamic fundamentalism in their countries.

The current US approach towards Iraq is fundamentally flawed and increasingly difficult to sustain. There five options: continuing to muddle through with the current approach; expanding the size of the deployed military forces; shifting towards counterinsurgency operations; drawing down the overall force size and using the remainder for a more limited mission; and complete withdrawal. Of these, expansion is not feasible, and a withdrawal could prove disastrous. Shifting toward counterinsurgency offers many benefits, but it is highly unlikely that the United States would do it properly. By default, a limited drawdown represents the ‘least bad’ option. It would enable the United States to preserve some influence and continue to target the jihadists, but reduce the tremendous costs of continued operations.

Abstract: The GCC-EU Research Bulletin is a quarterly newsletter focused on the relationship between the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the European Union (EU). The newsletter combines an overview of events within the Gulf Research Center with short informative articles on aspects of the GCC-EU relationship as well as useful background information.

This study is an attempt to establish a research base for the Gulf - Arab relations. The study analyzes fields of these relations and their political, economic, military and other contexts; as well as issues and developments of such relations, especially turning points and testing ones to the nature of these relations. The study concluded that the relations between GCC states and the rest of the Arab countries, though based on dominant factors and determinants, were greatly characterized by being steady. But the nature and evolution of such relations do not clearly reflect the outcome of those factors, according to the assumed relative weight of each. The study found out that the degree of coordination and harmony in the GCC foreign relations towards the Arab region is not different than that towards other fields of GCC foreign relations. This, in turn, reflects the limited impact of the Gulf affiliation to the Arab region, in comparison to the given close ties between the GCC and Arab orders.

This paper traces the evolution of Russian/Soviet foreign policy in the Gulf region from the early 20th century to the present amidst competition with the United Kingdom and United States and such issues and events as the two World Wars, the Cold War, the fall of the Soviet Union and the three Gulf Wars. Utilizing Russian archive documents and other such primary documentation, Melkumyan explores the multi-faceted relationships between Russia/the USSR and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Iraq to a great degree and those with the smaller GCC states to a lesser degree. The study is characterized by its heavy reliance on Russian primary documentation and its birds-eye view of developments in Russian foreign policy. Dr. Elena Melkumyan is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the Moscow State University Institute for Asian and African Studies. Her research focuses on Russian foreign relations and policy in the Middle East in general and the Gulf region in particular.

Abstract: The GCC-EU Research Bulletin is a quarterly newsletter focused on the relationship between the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the European Union (EU). The newsletter combines an overview of events within the Gulf Research Center with short informative articles on aspects of the GCC-EU relationship as well as useful background information.

The Gulf Research Center recorded rapid progress during 2004, the second year of official operations. In order to cope with the expansion and the number of projects undertaken, the center’s staff strength increased by about 25 percent to 76, apart from substantially increasing its international network of external researchers. During the last year, GRC completed and initiated a few more of the 52 Research Programs it has set as its target. The center will continue on this path of strong growth and expansion with more projects expected to come to fruition during 2005. In addition to the research activities, the center conducted a number of high-profile conferences that focused on social, economic, political and security issues of interest and importance to the region, which witnessed the participation of internationally recognized experts and yielded valuable suggestions and recommendations. In the realm of media, GRC’s online consolidated news website – gulfinthemedia.com – closed in on the standards that the center was aiming for and is now open for subscription. The bilingual portal is one of the best mediums available to access all the major media coverage of the Gulf, both from the region and abroad. A newly-formed department will launch a marketing campaign during 2005. The coming year is set to be an exciting one for GRC with the center planning several major conferences, lectures, publications and cooperation agreements with reputed and like-minded institutions. As the center begins to tap its potential more aggressively and efficiently, GRC is moving closer to achieving its goal of becoming the region’s premier research center. Only through the hard work and dedication of the GRC community, both internal and the wider global network of contributors and partners, can the venture realize its optimum potential.

‘Gulf Translations’ is a series that deals with the most prominent regional and international studies that address some of the important issues of the Gulf region. ‘Gulf Translations’ offers a number of studies that discern and analyze a wide palette of topics from an in-depth and objective perspective. This issue of ‘Gulf Translations’ is devoted to a report prepared specially on the conference held on ‘Arab Reform & Challenges of the European Policy’. Indeed, the event constituted a forum for dialogue and offered a unique opportunity for a distinguished pool of Arab and Western decision-makers, academic experts and scholars to meet and exchange ideas and views about the current conditions regarding the reform issue and its future prospects throughout the Arab world. In view of the importance of this issue and its role in the process of change in the Arab world, the Gulf Research Center (GRC) has prepared in cooperation with a number of world-renowned specialized scholars and academic experts this report in order to disseminate knowledge and make it available to students and scholars interested in this specific issue out of the Center’s mission statement: ‘Knowledge for All’.

‘Gulf Translations’ is a series that deals with the most prominent regional and international studies that address some of the important issues of the Gulf region. ‘Gulf Translations’ offers a number of studies that discern and analyze a wide palette of topics from an in-depth and objective perspective. This issue of ‘Gulf Translations’ is devoted to a report prepared specially on the conference held on ‘Arab Reform & Challenges of the European Policy’. Indeed, the event constituted a forum for dialogue and offered a unique opportunity for a distinguished pool of Arab and Western decision-makers, academic experts and scholars to meet and exchange ideas and views about the current conditions regarding the reform issue and its future prospects throughout the Arab world. In view of the importance of this issue and its role in the process of change in the Arab world, the Gulf Research Center (GRC) has prepared in cooperation with a number of world-renowned specialized scholars and academic experts this report in order to disseminate knowledge and make it available to students and scholars interested in this specific issue out of the Center’s mission statement: ‘Knowledge for All’.

The Gulf Yearbook 2005-2006 is the third volume in the annual series of the GRC Yearbook. Focusing on the events that have impacted on the Gulf region throughout the previous year, this year’s publication picks up on where the last report ended and outlines the pivotal events of the year in terms of the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, Iran, Iraq and Yemen and their relations with the broader regional and international environment. In a series of analytical chapters, the books looks at key issues such as political reform, economic development and the threat of terrorism Furthermore, an in-depth look is provided at the developments within the GCC states from a domestic, economic and foreign relations perspective. These items are complimented by a timeline of events for the year 2005. Written by prominent scholars, subject experts and GRC’s own in-house research team, The Gulf Yearbook 2005-2006 is an important guide to the key events that have impacted on the region this year.

The Gulf Yearbook 2004 is the second volume in the annual series of the GRC Yearbook. Focusing on the events that have impacted on the Gulf region throughout the previous year, this year’s publication picks up on where the last report ended and outlines the pivotal events of the year in terms of the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, Iran, Iraq and Yemen and their relations with the broader regional and international environment. In a series of analytical chapters, the books looks at key issues such as political reform, economic development and the threat of terrorism Furthermore, an in-depth look is provided at the developments within the GCC states from a domestic, economic and foreign relations perspective. These items are complimented by a timeline of events for the year 2004. Written by prominent scholars, subject experts and GRC’s own in-house research team, The Gulf Yearbook 2004 is an important guide to the key events that have impacted on the region this year.

Abstract: The GCC-EU Research Bulletin is a quarterly newsletter focused on the relationship between the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the European Union (EU). The newsletter combines an overview of events within the Gulf Research Center with short informative articles on aspects of the GCC-EU relationship as well as useful background information.

‘Gulf Translations’ is a series that deals with the most prominent regional and international studies that address some of the important issues linked to the Gulf region. ‘Gulf Translations’ offers a number of studies that discern and analyze a wide palette of topics from an in-depth and objective perspective. The present issue of ‘Gulf Translations’ is devoted to the issue of ‘International Compliance’ (A Strategy for Nuclear Security), as the conundrum of nuclear proliferation across the world represents today an issue that causes a lot of concern among international politicians and policy-makers, most prominent of whom is the US administration . Given the critical importance of this particular issue and its close bearing on the security of the entire world, and out of concern on the part of the Gulf Research Center (GRC) to keep up with the various theses and suggestions put forward in a bid to articulate a strategy for global nuclear security, the GRC, which has launched an initiative slated to free the Gulf region of all types of weapons of mass destruction (WDS), has issued this study on international compliance. The study was prepared by a pool of well-known specialized scholars and eminent academics with wide experience and knowledge. The objective has been to translate and publish this study in order to disseminate knowledge and make it available to students and scholars interested in this specific issue so they could benefit from the insights included out of the Center’s mission statement: ‘Knowledge for All’.

In the aftermath of the Iraq War of 2003, when it became clear that the major public justification for the war, Saddam Hussein’s possession of weapons of mass destruction, had no basis in fact, the Bush Administration quickly emphasized a new public justification for the war. Post-Saddam Iraq would become a democratic beacon in the Middle East, leading to more open politics throughout the region. It is very tempting to assume that this change of message is simply public relations, an insincere effort to sell a policy to both American public opinion and to the world. Undoubtedly, at least in the public presentation element, there is some truth to this assumption. However, it would be a mistake to see the American “democratization” initiative in the Middle East as merely a cover for other, more traditional great power motivations

1. What are the intentions of the Bush Administration for the new term? Will there be a concerted reconstruction effort or implementation of an exit strategy? 2. What are the possible outcomes in Iraq in terms of governance? 3. To what degree is the US still in control of events inside Iraq or have events preceded to such a degree that the US is mainly a reactive participant? 4. What are the dangers of a failed US policy in Iraq for the GCC states? 5. What can the GCC states do to mitigate the negative consequences from the Iraq crisis? What are some of alternatives available to the GCC countries to assist in influencing the future direction of the Iraq state?

As the organizers of this conference have indicated in their description about this session, the most important issue Iran poses for the Gulf and the central issue in U.S.-Iran relations is Iran’s nuclear program. So that will be the main focus of my remarks today.

Dubai and Australian Relationships’ is a broad-brush approach to Australian and Dubaian relationships associated with the history, economics, education, and social life in Dubai. It paints a picture of a developing relationship that is growing rapidly. The Australians involved appear not to be seeking to leave a physical or psychological mark on Dubai rather they are seeking to offer to Dubai the best they have to offer. In return they receive a work life that is stimulating for those involved and a private life that is safe, secure, and congenial while at the same time provides for their own futures. Both Australia and Dubai are benefiting socially and economically from this arrangement.

Gulf Translations’ is a series that deals with the major regional and international studies and books related to various issues bearing on the Gulf region. The series presents a collection of topics that discern and analyze a myriad of issues from an objective and in-depth perspective. This issue is devoted to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as this conflict embodies one salient aspect of the regional conflict with international dimensions. Given the importance of this particular cause and out of being keen on keeping up with its overall developments, the Gulf Research Center (GRC) has selected a number of research papers, studies and books linked to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, written by an eminent pool of specialized scholars and expert academics, to be translated and published. The objective of GRC is to benefit scholars and those interested in this issue out of the Center’s mission statement: "Knowledge for all".

Gulf-Europe relations are characterized by a certain dichotomy. While economic ties have been steadily growing and the relationship has taken on a political dimension in the first years of the 21st century, the potential of that relationship has not been fulfilled with the result that there have more obstacles and setbacks than overall advances. The current status of GCC-EU relations thus stands in contrast to the historical, geopolitical and strategic considerations and interdependence that should lie at the heart of the relationship. In order to overcome this dichotomy and in light of current critical regional developments and an increased emphasis on the relationship between the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States and the member countries of the European Union (EU), the Gulf Research Center (GRC) held a two-day workshop in January 2004 entitled ‘The EU Role in the Gulf region’. The main objective of the event was to shed some analytical light on Europe’s role in the Gulf region in an attempt to understand the existing problem areas and to propose alternative strategies to move the relationship forward. The collection of papers provided for in this volume looks at some of the key facets that play a role in current debates. Starting from a historical perspective, the book contains a Gulf view of the relationship with Europe as well as the factors of the Iraq War of 2003 and US policy and what impact this has had on the overall direction of ties. Ultimately, the tentative conclusion that is reached is that the key to achieving the aspirations of the Gulf and European peoples lies in the political will of both sides to bridge the chasm that has led their mutual ties to stretch and distort from being proactive to reactive, rather than the other way around.

2003 was the Gulf Research Center first year of official operations and by far its most productive. The Center expanded it’s operations significantly, increasing the number of staff to reach 64, and substantially increasing its international network of external researchers. In the past 12 months GRC has completed 9 and initiated a further 11 Research Programs. We will be continuing this strong growth and expansion of operations over 2004 with a large number of projects coming to fruition over the coming year. In addition to our research activities, the Center has held a number of high profile events including two IISS–GRC joint workshops and lectures by internationally recognized Middle East experts. GulfintheMedia.com, GRC’s online consolidated news site began operating in the third quarter of 2003 offering subscribers the opportunity to access all major press coverage of the Gulf in a single, bi-lingual website maintained by our in-house team of editors. A newly-formed marketing department is planning a public launch of GulfintheMedia.com in January 2004. The coming year is set to be an exciting one for GRC with the center planning 3 major conferences in the first 5 months of the year. As the center grows stronger, we are getting closer to achieving our goal of becoming the regions premier research center. Only through the hard work and dedication of GRC staff internally and our wider global network of contributors and partners externally, can the Venter grow to its full potential.

This research paper sheds light on Yemen relations with the GCC States that stemmed from geography, culture, religion, and strategy. Yemen is considered as a strategic depth for the Arab Gulf countries, and will continue, particularly in the new global and regional changes. The paper comes after the joining of Yemen to some of GCC bodies. Therefore, the paper examines different aspects of these relations in depth and explores the prospects of cooperation between the two parties.

With nearly 10 Central and Eastern European Countries expected to join the European Union this year, the concept of European unity has reached a level that raises the question of the finality of the integration and identity. Against the background of the expected expansion of the union, notably Cyprus, and the possibility of Turkish accession, the paper discusses the political and economic ramifications of EU's relations with its new neighbors, particularly the GCC States, in the long and short run. Internally, the European Union faces continuous pressure to reach a common ground on political and security issues, as well as a uniform legal structure. Toward this end, a genuine leadership structure could enhance continuity, visibility and coherence in European politics. The success of the European Union project does not only depend on the internal organization after the enlargement, but to a large extend on its ability to improve cooperation with foreign countries in different areas. And, whether the larger Europe of 450 million inhabitants can make use of its potential will also depend on whether the Europeans succeed in creating their own thinking culture on international dimensions and in implementing them through effective security, foreign and defence policies. The GCC States are of enormous strategic importance for the EU because they posses about 46% of the world's proven oil reserves and are the main exporters of energy to the world. Furthermore, the GCC and the EU have a common interest in peace and stability in the region, especially with regard to the future of Iraq .

Differences in approach on Gulf issues are becoming a major point of contention between the United States and the countries of the European Union. These differences reflect the larger processes of change in the North Atlantic alliance since the end of the Cold War. The EU is emerging as an increasingly unified economic bloc that acts as a unitary player in the world economy. It is becoming a major competitor of the United States on trade and investment issues with the Gulf states. On security issues, the EU has not achieved that same level of internal coherence. The United States enjoyed the support of a number of important EU governments in the recent war against Iraq, even as France and Germany took very public positions against Washington. Washington will continue to pursue bilateral security relations with European states on Gulf issues, in part to prevent the emergence of a unified European competitor on strategic Gulf issues. On the economic front, the EU is emerging as a major commercial competitor of the US in the Gulf region. Washington and Brussels have had very different views on how to deal with Iran for well over a decade. EU companies have already established advantages over American companies in Iran. In the new Iraq, it remains to be seen how

It is hard to over-estimate what is at stake in Iraq today. Initially its occupation and transformation were to have been the defining moment of George W. Bush’s presidency. However, the manner in which the rest of the world were told about this neo-conservative project (more than the nature of the project itself) alienated many in the international community. Both governments and societies in Russia, France, Germany and much of Europe beyond greeted the invasion of Iraq with suspicion if not outright hostility. Whatever the motivations behind regime change and European reactions to it, today it is startlingly clear that the removal of Saddam Hussain has proved to be the beginning not the culmination of a long and very uncertain process of occupation and state building. A combination of ideological vigour, insufficient planning and misperception about Iraqi state and society has meant that the aftermath of war has proved much more troublesome than regime change itself. US troops face an insurgency that during November spread in geographic reach and levels of violence and destruction. Given the diplomatic rancour and political hostility that greeted the invasion across Europe, a certain amount of Schardenfreude about what is happening in Iraq today was to be expected. However, it has to be realised that the failure of American attempts to replace Saddam Hussain’s regime with a stable, liberal government would have catastrophic consequences far beyond the region and the United States. A violently unstable Iraq, bridging the mashreq and the Gulf would undermine the already fragile domestic and the regional stability of the surrounding states and the wider region beyond. Iraq would act as a magnet, drawing in radical Islamists from across the Muslim world, eager to fight US troops where they are at their most vulnerable, on Middle Eastern soil. With this growing anarchy neighboring states would be sucked into the country, competing for influence, using Iraqi proxies to violently further their own regime’s interests. Broadly comparable to the Lebanese civil war, but much less containable, an ungovernable Iraq would be equally threatening to the interests of all the European powers whatever their attitudes to the war that gave rise to it. In the face of increasing violence and societal alienation the occupying authorities face a very complex set of tasks which they clearly cannot carry out without much greater international, that means European, assistance. To stand any chance of success this whole process must be quickly and effectively multi-lateralised. Since April it has become apparent that alone America does not have the expertise in state building, the numbers of troops or indeed the financial resources needed to re-build Iraq and guarantee its long-term stability. Without the active involvement of the international community the United States will not be able to extract itself from a vicious circle of increasing violence, societal alienation and rising human and financial costs. Although there is much opposition to a new multilateral occupation of Iraq in Washington there is also a great deal of hostility in key European capitals. If both sides, the administration in Washington and key European states, continue to block a truly multi-lateral approach to Iraq then the country will slide into further chaos and violence. That outcome, at this stage the most likely, will harm the interests of all the great powers not simply the re-election prospects of George Bush.

The backdrop to the tangled relations between the European Economic Community/European Union and the countries of the Mediterranean littoral and the Gulf Co-operation Council is a chain of unsuccessful and successive initiatives on the part of the Europeans in respect of the Arab world. The entire process, now spanning a period of almost forty years, has been termed the Euro-Arab Dialogue. Paradoxically the initial stimulus for the Euro-Arab Dialogue was the Arab-Israeli War (6-24 October) of 1973 and the concerted, coordinated action against the West that followed. The Arab countries first began to use oil as a weapon in the Middle East struggle. For six months between October 1973 and March 1974, the Arab oil producing countries maintained an embargo on oil exports to countries in the West that showed a pro-Israeli stance. This action exposed a fundamental European economic vulnerability and at the same time forced the Europeans to re-examine their uncritical support for Israel in general and its expansionist policies in particular. Subsequently it also exerted considerable pressure on the countries of Western Europe not only to revise their policies vis-à-vis Israel but equally importantly, to have their views and opinions (thus far largely ignored by the Europeans), taken seriously into account.

In the light of the United States monopolizing influence on the region and the strain it has come to bear on the societies, the ineffectiveness of the Gulf Cooperation Council- European Union (GCC-EU) relationship is very evident. It has neither progressed far enough for both parties to realize the full potential of inter-regional cooperation nor served the strategic rationale for a mutually beneficial cooperation. It certainly does not reflect the historical, geopolitical and strategic considerations, and the strong interdependence of the two regions and their links. As a result, there appears to be discontent, disillusionment and a negotiation fatigue among the signatories of the 1988 GCC-EU cooperation agreement. At the same time, the GCC-EU relations are multi-faceted in character and multi-dimensional in scope, a fact which not only reflects the depth of the common interests underpinning the ties, but also calls for a serious and sustainable upgrading of the same. The need to ensure and maintain international security and stability in the world demands that both move toward reducing the existing chasm.

Saudi Arabia today stands at a critical crossroad. The political leadership in Riyadh is acutely aware that serious and sustainable reform is a societal 'must' and should be implemented sooner rather than later, so goes the central thesis of this paper prepared by the Gulf Research Center (GRC), out of the Center's deep conviction that reform must be anchored within a comprehensive and well-planned strategy. Starting off on a highly subtle note the paper begins by examining the concern of the Saudi authorities, eminently expressed by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Fahd bin Abdulaziz, in His 17 May 2003 address to the Saudi Consultative Council, and concretely reinforced by the move decided by Crown Prince Abdulla bin Abdulaziz to set up executive committees tasked with the mission to implement the reforms mentioned in the King’s speech. The six sections into which the paper is divided construct an intelligible and well-rounded agenda for reform through a rigorous deconstruction of the multiple determinants and factors that prompt reform, may hamper it or help it. Some of these determinants reside within Saudi Arabia itself, others in its proximate geographical neighborhood, while a few others flow from the wider international scene. The main argument that informs the paper branches off logically and smoothly into a focused discussion of the full gamut of sectorial reform as it runs through social, political, economic and educational fields. Every issue is systematically and comprehensively analyzed on its own, as the paper looks into its diverse constituent elements and examines the way the issue might prove to be a value-adding asset for reform or, conversely, a hindering liability. National challenges, such as terrorism, religious opposition, budget deficit, population growth, etc, are addressed at reasonable length. Regional and international challenges take up a good portion of the whole discussion. U.S. military presence in the Gulf, the need for the Gulf Cooperation Council to re-vamp its policies for better regional integration, are two of the main regional challenges the Kingdom has to wrestle with.

The aim of the paper is to explore ways and means of reinforcing the EU-GCC relationship. It proposes a future strategy for the EU–GCC relations, which go beyond the existing stalled model of cooperation. The point of departure is that the Cooperation Agreement of the 1980s, which currently stands as the base for the EU-GCC interregional relations is neither an adequate nor an appropriate framework for this relationship. In order to realize the potential of their cooperation, the two parties need to revamp their relationship on the basis of a new partnership. This should reflect not only historical, geo-political and strategic considerations, as well as the interdependencies and the existing crucial links between the two regions but also the new emerging realities post Sept 11, the fight against terrorism, the post-Saddam Iraq and the US policy for the region. It should also address the deep dissatisfaction from both sides of the utility of on-going dialogue and goes a long way to meet their hopes and aspirations for a relationship that accord each party its due weight and importance. The new EU-GCC partnership should be based on several pillars and programs; (1) political and strategic dialogue which includes regional peace and security, developing shared political common ground, cooperation against terrorism, reform, human rights, good governance and democracy; (2) an economic partnership with a free trade zone, further enhancing the prospects for joint ventures, technological and industrial cooperation and investments; (3) a high-level energy dialogue and environmental cooperation; (4) Social and human cooperation including education, development of human resources, promotion of understanding between the different cultures and an exchange at the level of civil society. To avoid some of the pitfalls of the past dialogue, the two parties should not simply rush to make vacuous declarations about their motives and intentions but to put real efforts and commitments into implementing and successfully carrying out these programs. Clear achievable objectives and measurable targets should be established with reasonable time frame for implementation. The two parties should agree joint budgets for their programs, find ways of financing them and ensure that they are adequately and appropriately funded. The new partnership should also involve public participation from both sides to provide it with the necessary momentum and grant it popular support.

The paper tackles a number of important questions regarding the past and present of relations of members of the European Union (EU) regarding the U.S.-led war that toppled the regime of Saddam Hussain and the unfolding transition and reconstruction process in Iraq. This paper aims at providing some background on the role of the European Union and its member countries in this process and offers some recommendations for future EU engagement. The Iraq issue has been for a long time excluded from the operations of EU’s foreign policy approach and the community as such had never any contractual relations with Iraq. The topic was not among the community’s traditional areas of foreign policy, for it was regarded as being too divisive for a common position, and, in addition, being reserved for Britain’s and France’s privileged status as permanent members of the UN Security Council. The paper examines different European roles towards Iraq in pre and after war. When US pressure mounted to solve the Iraq problem by regime change, the tensions in the Security Council increasingly transmitted on the members of the European Union. The chances for consensus-building among the different actors were seriously damaged at an early stage when Britain and Spain fixed positions without even informing, let alone consulting their fellow partners in the EU. The paper argues that the nature of the Iraqi regime in the domestic and regional context supported the US position against the European opponents. The paper discusses the after math disagreement within the EU, which somewhat softened, but the different approaches of the British-Spanish camp on the one hand, and the Franco-German camp on the other, remained clearly discernable. The paper also touches very basic questions of the future make-up of the international system in general and the transatlantic relations in particular. This naturally involved a discussion of the nature of the transatlantic partnership and a vision of the role of the US and NATO for European and international security alike. In the same line the paper highlights the disputed points of view over reconstruction Iraq.

The paper entitled “The Role of The EU in the Arabian Gulf” sets out from the central premise that in the face of the hegemonic and unilateralist outreach of the US, both the GCC States and the EU need to think innovatively to frame a sustainable modus operandi for a strategic bilateral partnership. The existent imbalance in the mutual relations between the EU and the GCC States makes it imperative for Europe to reactivate its traditional role in the Gulf region, and not completely forfeit it to the benefit of US domination. On the Arab-Israeli front, the EU's role still has a long way to go to compete effectively with Washington. The wider Middle East region today runs a serious risk of sliding into unmanageable instability, wider violence and greater Israeli dominance. The GCC States could capitalize on their political and economic leverage to induce Europe to take up a stronger role in the power politics of the region with their combined efforts directed to precluding the implementation of any solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict that might not answer the legitimate demands of the Palestinian people. As far as the issue of security is concerned, the EU could play a more active role by devising coherent and unified foreign and security policies to deal with the crises and problems that face the Gulf region. In this regard, there is an urgent need for co-operation between the GCC States and EU to conclude a long-term agreement with goals and objectives suitable to the nature and peculiarities of the two parties. Regarding Iraq, the EU needs to move from its current static position and play a clear role based on a genuine co-operative mechanism to overcome the difficulties facing the country and its people. In this regard, the EU should extend its support to Iraq’s reintegration into the international community, share its experience on how to design political institutions, foster the reconstruction of Iraqi civil society, support the reform of the educational system, and assist in reopening the Iraqi oil sector to international investment and participation in order to upgrade and expand the Iraqi oil production capacities. The EU role in the Gulf region cannot be complete without advancing the idea of forming a partnership with GCC countries. Such a step could help in bringing about political stability and economic development in the region, which is of great importance for the EU's political and economic interests. This new initiative should be based on the true spirit of partnership, avoiding the impression that it is behaving in a dominant and neo-colonial nature.

The scientific method adopted in the report avoids prejudices, considers the region's typical characteristics and takes into account the interactions of domestic; regional and international changes. The aim is to provide an analytical overview of the year's key events in or relevant to the Gulf region for all those interested in knowledge about the Gulf region.

The GCC-EU relations have unfolded within a bilateral pattern, a reality which has probably sustained their long-standing historical status. To be sure, Europe's interests in the Gulf region are not confined to the mere commodity of oil. In fact, European interests are strategic in character, as clearly shown at different stages throughout the twentieth century and the first decade of the twenty-first century. Even tough the GCC States and European countries have entertained a network of strong bilateral bonds, relations at the institutional level between the Gulf Cooperation Council and the European Union as two regional structures have evolved rather slowly, failing to reflect the geographical proximity between the two blocs and the inter-dependence that ties them together. Over the past years, the Gulf as well as European states have avoided broaching the critical issue of collective cooperation during bilateral negotiations. However, at present there seems that a gradual trend is evolving towards boosting bilateral collective cooperation between the two regional entities. Elizabeth Stephens attempts in this study through a political economic perspective to trace the major developments and transformations that have unraveled within the GCC-EU relations.

Japan is the world’s second largest national economy—accounting for one- seventh of world Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and around 10 per cent of world exports and imports—with the seventh largest population of just over 120 million. There is no doubt that oil served as a key factor in shaping and altering the relations between Japan and the Gulf states, but it is an oversimplification to analyze the Japan-Arab Gulf relations solely from the perspective of energy. With the progression of time, Tokyo gradually concentrated its effort in diversifying the fields of potential cooperation with the GCC states, including increased investment and human contacts, thereby laying grounds for closer ties of interdependency. One of the characteristics of the Japan-GCC relations lies in the fact that they were often determined less by issues of bilateral concerns but rather by wider regional and international developments. This research, through analyses of key events—including those outside the bilateral—in Japan’s involvement in the Arab Gulf region since the beginning of the twentieth century, aims to identify factors which shaped the course of evolution of Japan-GCC relations.

The strategic relations between the United States and the GCC (the Gulf Cooperation Council) states commenced in the post World War II era and continued through the Cold War and post-Cold War periods. The American political, economic and strategic interests in the Gulf region have always occupied a top priority in the US foreign policy agenda. Precisely, oil has always been a key American interest in the region, particularly as Saudi Arabia alone possesses the largest oil reserves in the world. Moreover, American oil companies have had an exclusive role in developing the Saudi oil industry. Notwithstanding the fact that the US interests in the GCC states have mainly been the flow of oil and the political stability of the region over the past five decades, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in New York and Washington DC marked a turning point as far as the US bilateral relations with the GCC states, the security issues in the Gulf region and the US policy towards Iraq are concerned. The United States expanded its presence and involvement in the Gulf region, declared war against terrorism and later against Iraq. This exacerbated the US concerns about the security of the Gulf region allowing the Bush administration to call upon the GCC states in various occasions, particularly Saudi Arabia, to accelerate their efforts to combat terrorism emphasizing that the September attacks were mainly perpetrated by Saudi citizens. Consequently, the bilateral relationships between the United States and the GCC states were affected either negatively, as it is the case with Saudi Arabia or positively as it is the case with Qatar. The research on the GCC-US relations in an ever-changing world is vital. It deserves close attention and requires a constant assessment to provide quality understanding of the nature of these relations and prospective developments.

Australia and the Arab world have a history which reaches back into the 7th century and before. It includes the later travels of the fabled Islamic Mongol navigator, Cheng Ho, in the 15th century. The evidence for this is weak however. In relatively recent history a much stronger relationship has been shaped through trade, travel, and joint ventures. Oil, the Gulf War, the present War on Iraq, and the vision of the Arab leaders have all had an impact. Currently the vibrancy of the relationship is developing into a partnership of opportunity. There is a cultural and economic exchange that only the future can tell where it will lead. These ties have been created through great adventures and a tolerance and respect shown towards each other by these very different peoples, the peoples of Australia and the GCC nations. This paper aims to illuminate the path taken in the creation of this potential of opportunity and to set the stage for other more specifically focused papers

Historically, the international relations of the European Union (EU) have been guided by the interests of its member countries and by the heritage that each of them has chosen to promote, or pass on to the Union. The colonial legacy plays a crucial role in determining and developing the foreign policy of the Union. The authors approach the relationships between the GCC and EU through analyzing the prevalent operational mechanisms in each of the two regional organizations. The great differences between them hinder the improvement of their collective relations. This renders it imperative upon all the parties concerned to clarify the reasons to facilitate further development. This research paper, however, provides in-depth analysis for the adopted mechanisms and policies by each of the two blocs and highlights the political and institutional priorities for such differences as well as it presents a workable perspective for bilateral cooperation.

Professor Udo Steinbach delivered a lecture entitled “German Foreign Policy and the Middle East: In Quest of a Concept.” Professor Steinbach is the director of the Hamburg-based German Institute for the Middle East Studies. The history of Arab-German relations dates back to the end of the eighth century. The Emperor Charlemagne (742-814), King of the Franks and Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, and Caliph Harun Al- Rashid had an official contact for the first time around the year 800 A.D. Arab traders had their first business contacts with their German counterparts as early as 700 A.D. Ever since the two cultures met, they have not ceased to mutually learn from each other. The Holy Koran was translated into German in 1616 and the first Arabic grammar book was published in Germany in 1781. The economic relations between the GCC countries and Germany stand at a fairly good level. GCC exports to Germany picked up by a substantial 20 per cent from 1999 to 2002, while imports by the GCC countries of German goods and commodities rose by a hefty 65 per cent during the same period. The relations between the GCC states and Germany, however, are not exclusively limited to economic exchanges. Germany, in fact, has been consistently perceived in the Gulf in a highly positive and friendly light. In the current crisis involving the war on Iraq, Germany played a prominent role in the coalition opposing the war on Iraq. Berlin was the first to oppose any intervention in Iraq without the official approval of the UN Security Council, putting its transatlantic relations and the unity of Europe at stake. Yet, it did not give in to international pressure and remained faithful to its principles. The German stand has been highly appreciated by the majority of the Arabs.

A United States led attack on the government of Iraq in March 2003 looks almost inevitable. The only way a large-scale invasion of Iraq by US troops before March could possibly be avoided is either if a section of the Republican Guard stages a pre-emptive coup, the Iraqi President Saddam Hussein dies or if the government of Iraq agrees to United Nations demands for the supervised destruction of its remaining weapons of mass destruction capability. For different reasons none of these options looks very likely. The alternative will be a short but intensive air war of up to three weeks, followed by an invasion of up to 350,000 troops from Kuwait and Turkey.

Engaging Iran is the first comprehensive study of Australian and Canadian economic and political relations with Iran. Based on archival research and extensive interviews with diplomats and policymakers, Robert Bookmiller traces the development of these ties from the 1950s through the present day. This work presents an often overlooked aspect of the West’s interaction with the Islamic Republic as most scholarly and popular attention has focused upon American and European Union approaches. With recent international attention drawn to Iran’s nuclear ambitions, decisions made by the US or the EU have considerable political and economic implications for Canberra and Ottawa. Through his discussion of the bilateral and multilateral contacts between the three states (including a chapter on Iran and the nuclear question), the author provides insights into the complex relationships which, despite pressures from their close allies, has had Australia and Canada assume more nuanced diplomatic and economic policies toward Iran than either the US or EU.

Abstract: The GCC-EU Research Bulletin is a quarterly newsletter focused on the relationship between the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the European Union (EU). The newsletter combines an overview of events within the Gulf Research Center with short informative articles on aspects of the GCC-EU relationship as well as useful background information.